Reel Notes

[DIARY, REMINISCENCES, AND MEMORIES OF COLONEL EDWARD M. HOUSE]

Reel Notes
[ Comprehensive List of Reel Contents | Reel 1 | Reel 2 | Reel 3 | Reel 4 ]

	REEL ONE: Diary Volumes 1-2

	Volume 1: House Diary, 1912 September 25 - 1913, pp. 1-409 Colonel House begins to keep a diary on September 25, 1912, while he is in New York advising the Democratic party on the search for a Presidential candidate. Topics recorded include his involvement in national and regional party affairs, the publication of his anonymous novel Philip Dru: Administrator, and early meetings with Woodrow Wilson. House also describes the dynamics of building Wilson's government, currency reform, and Anglo-American relations with regard to the Panama Canal and Mexico. Subjective reflections and anecdotes concerning political, social, and business leaders, with an emphasis on Wilson, William Jennings Bryan, and the William G. McAdoo-William F. McCombs feud enliven this and subsequent volumes. During the first year of the Wilson administration House serves as an informal advisor to both the President and the Cabinet. In regional politics, his involvement focuses on weakening Tammany Hall and solidifying support for Wilson through municipal patronage, while his domestic interests span government appointments, currency reform, the Panamanian and Mexican situations, the reorganization of private enterprise, and the Federal Reserve Act. The year culminates in a series of legislative and electoral victories for the administration. In June House sails to England on the first of many unofficial diplomatic missions to Europe's political and intellectual leaders.

	Volume 2: House Diary, 1914 pp. 1-277 Volume 2 chronicles the implementation of several domestic policies, including the Federal reserve system and antitrust suits, as well as the continuation of tensions with England and in Mexico. The administration suffers several political losses -- in electoral races, and in the growing dissatisfaction of the Cabinet -- but sustains its authority against the Tammany forces. House's commitment to foreign affairs expands with the beginning of "The Great Adventure," his second shuttle mission to Europe in pursuit of international peace. His meetings with high ranking government officials in Germany and England, including Kaiser Wilhelm, inspire enthusiasm, but fail to halt the hostile tide of events following the declaration of war. Upon his return, the death of Wilson's first wife, Ellen Axson Wilson, leads to a deeper friendship with the President, and House records personal conversations on a variety of topics. He continues to seek peace initiatives, negotiating with European ambassadors and proposing a Pan-American alliance as a model for international cooperation.


	REEL TWO: Diary Volumes 3-4

	Volume 3: House Diary, 1915 January 1 - December 25, pp. 1-340 Volume 3 follows House through continued attempts to negotiate peace with the European war powers. In his third shuttle mission House travels to England, France, and Germany, developing the freedom of the seas doctrine and seeking to establish the terms of peace. With the sinking of the Lusitania in May, House becomes increasingly pessimistic about the course of the war and resigned to the probability of involving American troops. As tensions rise with both England and Germany, House states that diplomacy is impeded by the incompetence of British Ambassador Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, the conservatism of the British Cabinet, the British embargo of neutrals, and the militarism of the German people. The resignation of Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan frees Wilson to entrust diplomatic affairs more completely to House while the President is increasingly distracted by his affection for Edith Bolling Galt. With the sinking of a second ship, the Arabic, Germany promises an end to unrestricted submarine warfare. House, still wary, makes plans for another trip to Europe.

	Volume 4: House Diary, 1915 December 26 - 1916, pp. 1-330 Volume 4 is increasingly devoted to House's interest in international affairs. Traveling to Europe in January to address relations with the belligerents while collecting information on the state of the war, House visits England to seek a compromise on the freedom of the seas. With the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey, House proposes a plan for United States military intervention tied to the convening of an international peace conference. The proposal is supported by prominent French statesmen and British Cabinet members, yet all refuse to endorse it publicly. Meeting with senior officials in Germany, including Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg, Gottlieb von Jagow, and Alfred Zimmermann, House discusses the possibility of peace, British and German naval policy, and national character. Upon returning to the United States, House is troubled by the indiscretions committed by the State Department as well as the administration's lack of preparation for war. His frustration is exacerbated by petty jealousies in the Cabinet and Wilson's reluctance to consult with his staff. Wilson requests that House assume several of the responsibilities traditionally relegated to State Department and embassy officials. These include the promotion of the Pan-American pact which has stalled under Bryan and Lansing, and responsibility for continued relations with Count Johann von Bernstorff, the German ambassador. Although Lansing accepts House's unofficial role in national policy making, others such as Walter Hines Page, ambassador to the Court of St. James, attempt to preserve their authority with threats of resignation. Wilson, however, persists in his support of House and credits him with facilitating the German agreement to restrict submarine warfare. House continues his involvement with the Democratic party in the search for a National Chairman and assists Wilson's re-election campaign. House also works on domestic matters having do with the Trade Commission, the Federal Reserve Board, and the Supreme Court. Diplomatic relations with the Allies are increasingly strained by the perception that Britain and France are prolonging the war for personal gains. The arrival of attache Sir William Wiseman at the British Embassy, and his subsequent cooperation with House, mark the beginning of a considerable improvement in affairs. Increasingly impatient for results, Wilson threatens to compose a letter to the belligerents demanding the cessation of hostilities. House persuades Wilson to soften the tone of the note and delay delivery until December, but the inclusion of several offensive statements by Lansing and Wilson in the final version undermines much of the work accomplished by House's diplomacy.


	REEL THREE: Diary Volumes 5-6

	Volume 5: House Diary, 1917, pp. 1-340 Volume 5 begins with a notation by House in early January of the first formulation of "The Fourteen Points." Throughout the year, House and Wilson refine both the peace plan and the model for internationalism, while striving to convince the Allies of the necessity of their support. Appearing before the Senate in January, Wilson publicly clarifies the national position on a negotiated settlement. Soon after, the German government announces the recision of restricted submarine warfare. In response, Wilson breaks off all diplomatic relations. Fearing the imminent drift of the United States into war, House engages the support of his friends in the press to promote the proposed peace conference. With the interception of the Zimmermann telegram in late February and growing evidence of submarine activity off the American coast, relations with Germany seem irreparable. Despite his heartening second inauguration, Wilson seems sunk in inertia. To compensate for Wilson's indifference, House's thoughts increasingly orient toward American preparation for entry into war. The installation of a secure telephone line between House and the State Department enables House to advise the administration actively on current developments while remaining in New York. Wilson determines to ask Congress for a declaration of war and shares the draft of his address with House. Members of the Cabinet are purposely excluded from any role in the development of the text. Although not credited by Wilson, House is the source of many of the ideas in the address. Following the declaration of war, House is frequently in contact with visiting leaders from Europe. Often, he serves as the conduit between the Wilson administration and representatives of foreign governments including Joseph Joffre of France, Aimaro Sato of Japan, and Boris Bakhmetieff of Russia. In several extended meetings, Arthur James Balfour presents British concerns on the peace negotiations, territory, representation, and the future shape of world power. House uses the discussions as an opportunity to advocate the restoration of an independent Poland. Despite instances of instability and irrationality in the behavior of Spring-Rice, Balfour refuses to withdraw his support from the ambassador and replace him with Grey. House fails in later attempts to press Grey himself to pursue the appointment. Resolution of American difficulties with Spring-Rice comes in the appointment of Lord Alfred Harmsworth Northcliffe as High Commissioner. While Northcliffe proves an ample buffer between Spring-Rice and the American diplomatic corps, House relies on Wiseman, rather than Northcliffe, for information and diplomatic support directly from the British government. In June and July, the deteriorating financial conditions of the Allies force them to seek aid from United States sources. Following alarming cables from Balfour, House assists in securing loans for Britain despite his disdain for the facade of national self-sufficiency in the face of a crisis. As support for a mediated settlement grows in the European community, other leaders, including the Pope, submit alternatives to Wilson's peace plan. Wilson is increasingly frustrated with Secretary of State Robert Lansing, whose lack of ability he blames for a much criticized response to the papal proposal. Though the criticism seems unfair to House, he concedes that he himself is much more in touch with foreign affairs than the Secretary, or President for that matter. The administration continues to function without close ties to Wilson, resulting in confusion and resentment among Cabinet members. As advisor to several administration officials, House works to defuse the antagonism toward Wilson. Throughout the fall House is involved in the organization of war supplies, Russian entanglement in European and Japanese affairs, the organization of an inter-allied conference, and the possibility of separate peace terms for the belligerents. Wilson buttresses House's authority by declaring him to be the only acceptable representative of the President to other countries, and in October House agrees to lead the American mission to the Allied War Council. Shortly thereafter French Ambassador Jules Jusserand conveys a multi-national invitation requesting that House serve at the Council, despite the fact that all other representatives will be high government officials. House arrives in Britain in November after a perilous journey across the Atlantic. He is met by an enthusiastic press corps and begins active involvement in the organization of the conference. Despite difficulties with British Prime Minister David Lloyd George in regard to the Supreme War Council, House and Wiseman are able to convince him of the necessity of his attendance at the inter-allied conference. Lloyd George's attempts to delay the conference are quashed with the aid of Lord Reading. A disturbing cable from Washington temporarily undermines House's authority as leader of the mission, but House's international standing remains unimpaired. The conference opens in Paris with the luminaries of European statecraft in attendance. French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau's terse opening remarks set a tone of work for the week, and throughout the week House is well satisfied by the coordination of Allied resources which results. He is disappointed, however, by the lack of emerging diplomatic direction behind broad policy assertions. House, in a closing speech to the conference, does not betray his disappointment, preferring rather to act later with the outspoken support of the President.

	Volume 6: House Diary, 1918, pp. 1-286, 1-86 Volume 6 is divided into two discrete sections. The first dates through mid-October and centers on House's role in the development of American war aims and peace policy. Lansing, Secretary of War Newton D. Baker, and other Cabinet members are entirely bypassed by Wilson, making House his primary collaborator in the drafting of terms. The announcement of the "Fourteen Points" to a joint session of Congress in January is well received, and House is encouraged for the future of the peace plan. While House himself avoids direct conflict with Lansing, the Secretary of State continues to antagonize the President with his indiscretions. House, on the other hand, operates with relative autonomy, and Wilson is explicit in his confidences. Throughout the early months, House's concerns are dominated by Japanese activities in Russia and the need to convince Europe to commence formal peace talks. His opposition to Japanese intervention in Siberia is enforced by a strong letter from Wilson which assuages the situation. European affairs are stalled by a general unwillingness to cooperate and a growing sense of panic. The French continue to delay in order to seek the best opportunity for peace terms. As the German troops approach Paris in June, Clemenceau becomes increasingly insistent on the need for an immediate peace settlement. The British are handicapped by an uncertainty of America's commitment to the war efforts and an upcoming election. In late March, working closely with Wiseman and British Ambassador Lord Reading, House helps the President draft a letter of assurance to Lloyd George and prepare a speech directed to the German military party that Wilson delivers on April 6 when he reviews the troops in Baltimore. House, stricken by a serious illness, assists in the final drafts with Wilson at his bedside, and there are no entries between March 31 and April 9. Both measures appear to succeed in temporarily allaying the hysteria, and shortly thereafter, Wiseman is dispatched to Britain to communicate American policy directly to Lloyd George. In spite of their efforts, House continues to be discouraged by a lack of concrete response to the League from the European governments. Wilson and several of House's foreign advisors express their frustration with the lack of competence exhibited by the Allied officials, both political and military. Wilson's contempt for the leadership of the Senate is evinced in an unwillingness to work with members of his own party. The appointment of House by Wilson as representative to the Supreme Allied War Council, and the later requests by European leaders for his presence at the Council meeting, ease many of his fears about the shape of the future Allied peace plan. House does not, however, see a ready solution to Wilson's contempt for the Congress. In May House's attentions are briefly occupied with domestic affairs when he is informed of the possibility of Treasury Secretary William Gibbs McAdoo's resignation. While House credits McAdoo's threats to his insatiable desire for power, he is assured by Wilson that the resignation will be accepted. Wilson declares that he would rather see his popular son-in-law leave the Cabinet than allow the administration to endorse a thoughtless policy toward the railroad interests. Talk of a third term for Wilson and the perennial rumor that House himself will be nominated for public office serve as continual and paramount concerns which link House to domestic affairs even when his interests focus elsewhere. House's concentration on the peace conference is diverted by Japanese resistance to American terms relating to Siberia. Refusing to limit the size of their expeditionary forces, the Japanese instigate a crisis at a time when House is engaged in hammering out the particulars of the League and its representation. House carefully drafts his plan in the form of a letter to Lord Robert Cecil sent on June 25 that introduces a new concept of the standard of international conduct and proves to be the origin of the first formal American drafts of the Covenant of the League of Nations. Throughout July House engages in determining the representation and voting procedures for the peace conference and League of Nations. At the same time, he drafts the first expression of the Covenant of the League of Nations at his vacation home in Magnolia, Massachusetts. Minor revisions are made in August when the Wilsons arrive for a brief stay. Both House and Wilson agree on the advisability of delaying any announcement of the covenant until the peace conference. Although peace proposals continue to be submitted by other countries, House successfully convinces most Europeans of the American plan's primacy. The tension in Europe increases through the fall, and Wilson makes a series of speeches to assure the Allies with clear articulations of American policy. Walter Hines Page resigns as ambassador to England, creating a possibility for the administration to appoint a man less possessive of his ambassadorial rights and more likely to cooperate. House is given an active role in the search for a successor. In early October a series of peace notes are received from the German and Austrian governments. As the final conditions of surrender are discussed by American and European diplomats, House sets sail for Europe. In his absence, Wilson makes what House later considers the most disastrous speech of his career -- an appeal to the Congress for partisan aid which effectively eliminates almost all existing Republican support. House fears that Wilson's reply to the third German peace note might impede acceptance of his peace terms. In frustration and despair, House determines to proceed in their formalization with Lloyd George and Clemenceau. In private meetings with the two Prime Ministers, House assists in the creation of an authoritative draft of the Fourteen Points to provide a formal foundation for the peace. Throughout the year House is approached by a variety of visitors with suggestions and opinions on the development of a peace plan. Many of the visitors include a new type of reporters who cater to the increased public interest in House himself. Despite his desire to remain out of the public spotlight, House is now a common subject of newspaper and magazine articles, as well as a book entitled The Real Colonel House. He greets all of these accounts with embarrassment and apprehension of their effect upon his relationship with Wilson.


	REEL FOUR: Diary Volumes 7-9, Reminiscences, Memories

	Volume 7: House Diary, 1919 January 1 - June 29, pp. 1-260 Early in January House confers with many world leaders, including meetings with Jan Paderewski and Chaim Weizmann concerning plans for the independence of Poland and Palestine. No entries are made for January 9 - 20, while House is seriously ill with the kidney trouble that causes him to miss the opening session of the Peace Conference. In his speech endorsing the League of Nations on the 25th, Wilson uses two of House's points: that of the large powers the United States has the least selfish interest in the League, and "that war must be stopped otherwise science would create engines of destruction which would destroy civilization." The next day, House reads news articles on "his supposed death." In late January and into February, Wilson continues to revise the League Covenant. On the 6th, House notes that allotting votes to British dominions "means the eventual disintegration of the British Empire." With Wilson's reading of the Covenant at the Plenary Session on February 14 the League of Nations is born. Wilson empowers House to take his place in the conference during his trip to America. On this date, House notes that he was the first to use the word "Covenant" rather than "Constitution." Negotiations are delayed when Clemenceau is wounded in an assassination attempt on February 19. On the 26th, House remarks on "how quickly one loses one's place in this busy Paris world." Wiseman had returned from England to find his work taken over by others, and House feels that after his illness "I am not sure that I have ever gotten fully back." By March 3, House sees that "the peace will not be such a peace as I had hoped," due to national self-interest. After Wilson's return to Paris on the 15th, House is discouraged by the languishing proceedings. The continuing questions of Germany's western frontier, reparations, and the military security of France challenge House while he takes Wilson's place during the President's serious illness of early April. In the face of the firm refusal of France and Britain to base reparations on Germany's ability to pay, the Americans drop the fight for realistic reparations, but prevail in giving special priority to the Belgians. House attempts to mediate between Wilson and the other powers, writing on April 3: "in my opinion it was more important to bring about peace quickly than it was to haggle over details; that I would rather see an immediate peace and the world brought to order than I would to see a better peace and delay." Compromise settles other points as well: On April 10 decisions are reached to place the Saar under the League of Nations for fifteen years and to acknowledge the Monroe Doctrine in the Covenant. On April 15 Wilson accepts a House-Tardieu formula on the occupation of the Rhine, and it becomes possible for the amended Covenant to be accepted by the Plenary Conference. Two important questions remain: Japan's demand for German rights in Shantung and Italy's threat to withdraw unless its Adriatic claims are satisfied. On April 22 House writes: "the whole world is speculating as to whether the Italians are `bluffing� or whether they really intend going home and not sign the Peace unless they have Fiume. It is not unlike a game of poker." On the 24th, Orlando leaves Paris, and the Japanese present a request for a definite settlement. Upon House's recommendation, Wilson consents to Japan's demands in view of their promise to hand Shantung back to China in due course. Italy returns to the conference to witness the presentation of the peace treaty to the Germans on May 7. "It is strange," writes House, that it "should occur on the anniversary of the sinking of the Lusitania." During the following three weeks, House is occupied mainly with work on the organization of the League and renewed efforts to reach a compromise on the Adriatic problem. He writes on May 31, that he would not go to the Plenary Conference because he disapproves the making of treaties "practically behind closed doors." Still, House feels it unwise to take up any revisions which might "unravel" the entire treaty. On June 10 House concludes: "There is little left for me to do in Paris. ... I realize that in breaking up here it means the end of an epoch in my life..." After a week in England, he returns to Paris on June 19. The 23rd is "a red-letter day" because Germany agrees to sign the Treaty. House admits on June 26 that the omission of a representative of the Slavic peoples on the Council of the League "was a stupid blunder for which I am largely responsible." On June 28 House attends the signing ceremony: "I had a feeling of sympathy for the Germans who sat there quite stoically. It was not unlike what was done in olden times, when the conqueror dragged the conquered at his chariot wheels." In the final entry in the volume, June 29, House considers his last conversation with Wilson "not reassuring. I urged him to meet the Senate in a conciliatory spirit... In reply he said, `House, I have found one can never get anything in this life that is worth while without fighting for it.�"

	Volume 8: House Diary, 1919 July 14 - December, pp. 1-92; 1920, pp. 1-102; 1921, pp. 1-67 Following the close of the peace conference at Versailles, Wilson returns to Washington to promote passage of the League of Nations. House remains in Europe urging support for the League and studying the British policy toward Ireland. In late August, press reports begin to carry the story of a break between Wilson and House. Although House can recall no basis for such a rumor, Wilson seems oddly hesitant for him to return. Throughout September and October, House anxiously observes from abroad the growing opposition to the League led by Senator Henry Cabot Lodge. Meanwhile, European demands for assistance in the restructuring of war debts add to the steadily mounting tension which accompanies the delay of American ratification. Upon returning home, House is startled to learn of the seriousness of Wilson's illness. Wilson's incapacitation incites chaos within the administration. Mrs.Wilson, who controls access to the President and is enjoined by Dr. Grayson to prevent all contact of her husband with any political business that might excite him fatally, emerges as a dominant force that blocks constructive negotiation. Having alienated Republicans in the battle for ratification, the administration soon estranges its own party by the apparent favoritism and ineptitude demonstrated by the White House. Grey, serving as special ambassador to Washington, returns to Britain having been unable to meet with Wilson or his nearest advisors. House, likewise unable to gain access, is no longer sought as an advisor nor reassured of Wilson's continued friendship. The sour note set by the last weeks of 1919 marks the beginning of 1920. Rumors impugn Mrs. Wilson, Wilson's secretary Joseph P. Tumulty, and Attorney-General Thomas Watt Gregory as the sources of the President's break with House, and suggest that Lansing is suffering daily insults from them. The forced resignation of Lansing in February coupled with the continued lack of communication encourages House to reflect on the failures of both his work and that of the administration. In March the Senate, led by Henry Cabot Lodge, fails to ratify the treaty, thus dealing Wilson his greatest political defeat. House blames the loss on Wilson's intransigence and political insensitivity with regard to the Lodge amendments, yet remains publicly loyal to the President. Pursued by candidates from both parties, House advises major contestants for the presidential primaries. He is also approached by several publishers and magazines offering lucrative contracts for him to write his memoirs, but his interests are drawn to the declining state of relations with Britain, and House returns to Europe in June. Criticism of Wilson as the wrecker of the League weakens the American position, particularly with regard to European debts. House, however, remains well regarded and several groups, including the Irish Sinn Fein, seek his services as a mediator. Other matters such as French security, aid to Eastern Europe, and American relations with the Far East occupy House's stay, but sustaining the demoralized League engages all his efforts. He remains abroad throughout the Democratic nominating convention, avoiding the vexing questions of a third term for Wilson and his own possible candidacy. The nomination of James M. Cox, and the subsequent election of Warren Harding mark an end to Wilson's presidency. In 1921, House continues to advise leaders of government, industry and society, but remains ignored by the Wilsons. He publishes several articles praising Wilson's vision, and with Charles Seymour edits a book of essays by his scholarly advisers, What Really Happened at Paris. Travelling to Paris in May, House is confronted by French and German attempts to resuscitate their respective economies. Fearing that France will prefer the aggressive appropriation of materials to poverty, House actively promotes a plan for securing French resources and safety.

	Volume 9: House Diary, 1922 April 28 - 1926 November 25, Intermittent entries, 236 pages The final volume of the Diary is comprised of a sporadic collection of entries built around House's assertion that few of his current projects deserve the diligent daily recording granted to the events of the Peace Conference. The years 1924 and 1925 are more fully documented, as are House's trips to Europe, but the volume emphasizes the changing role of House from policy maker to observer. With the exception of Herbert Hoover, few in the Republican Harding administration show a desire to consult with House on governing affairs. Upon the advent of the Coolidge administration, relations with House warm considerably, and in 1925 he accepts an invitation to visit the White House. Coolidge is frank in soliciting House's counsel, but House can no longer claim access to the minds of each cabinet member and department head. On the other side of the Atlantic, he continues to be sought after by the new generation of European leaders who have replaced Lloyd George, Clemenceau, and Orlando. In yearly visits to Europe, House continues his advocacy of the League while assisting in the restructuring of debts. Elder statesmen such as Clemenceau and Grey provide comfort and encouragement to House, as well as an opportunity to analyze the accomplishments of the Wilson administration and the peace process. He identifies a series of errors made by Wilson personally which he contends are responsible for the failed Treaty, but in his increasingly active literary work, House is careful to express support and admiration for the ex-President. The death of Wilson in 1924 does not signify a cessation of hostilities toward House and other former friends: House receives no formal invitation to the funeral, and Mrs. Wilson continues to refuse his requests for permission to publish the President's correspondence. Despite the great disappointment of the failed Treaty, House remains hopeful that a Democratic president will provide the support needed to assure associate membership in the League of Nations. His involvement in the 1924 election includes advising McAdoo's campaign until scandal forces his withdrawal, as well as assisting in the development of a party platform. With the publication of numerous accounts of the Peace Conference, House determines to organize his own papers with the assistance of Professor Charles Seymour of Yale, and publication of The Intimate Papers of Colonel House resulted. Included in the diary are estimates of and corrections to the works of other writers and politicians, as well as notes on House's own contributions to various magazines and journals.

	"Reminiscences," July 1916, 60 pages House's "Reminiscences" constitute an autobiography of his life prior to the commencement of the diary. During a summer respite, he took the opportunity to record his background and the story of his rise to prominence. The "Reminiscences," extensively quoted in Chapters I-III of The Intimate Papers, begin with House's earliest recollections of the Civil War. His father shipped cotton from Texas through the blockade, and at the end of the war had $300,000 in gold in England. After attending private school in Virginia and finding himself unprepared for Yale, he enrolled in the Hopkins Grammar School in New Haven. To House, the main advantage was the opportunity it provided him to conveniently "hang about Democratic headquarters" in New York City during the presidential election of 1876, and to form a close friendship with the son of Senator Oliver P. Morton of Indiana. The two young men entered Cornell University and visited Washington, D. C. together, where House enjoyed entree to the White House and government meetings. After working in the family business, his move to Austin in 1885 brought him into state government circles, and the manuscript relates the inner workings of Texas politics and House's role as observant and participant. By 1896, his "power in Texas was sufficient" to give him the place he "desired in the national councils of the party," but he recognized the weakness of the Democratic party "too well to undertake to waste my time further." House then recollects "the heroes of my childhood," Captain Bill McDonald of the Texas Rangers, gunfighters, and his father. In 1911, House "began to look about for a proper candidate for the Democratic nomination for President." After deciding that the "nomination should go to the East," he "turned to Woodrow Wilson ... as being the only other man in the East who in every way measured up to the office..." Soon after their first meeting in October, as House wrote "we found ourselves in such complete sympathy in so many ways that we soon learned to know what each was thinking without either having expressed it." He concludes his "Reminiscences," following interwoven accounts of the writing of his political novel, Philip Dru, modelled on Wilson, and the campaign with the statement: "My whole life has been a preparation for the work which it has been my good fortune to help accomplish during the administration of Woodrow Wilson."

	"Memories," ca. 1928, 63 pages "Memories," which was received by Charles Seymour in 1929, is a revision of "Reminiscences," incorporating at the beginning the recollections of House's boyhood heroes in an expanded autobiography of his early years. There is a break at page thirty-eight, after the account of Governor Hogg's election in 1892. House describes the failure of his brother's banking house in the panic of 1907 which led to his resolve to reform the currency and banking system when Wilson was elected. House returns to Texas politics on page forty-four, with a short digression about Paris during the armistice and Peace Conference. A new section, headed "1. Foreword," pages 52-54, is a biographical sketch about Captain Bill McDonald of the Texas Rangers. House secured his services as a bodyguard for Wilson during the campaign of 1912 after Theodore Roosevelt was shot. On pages 55-56, House reflects on his admiration for "the Paderewskis, the Kiplings and their like," and his love for humanity. Pages 57 and 58 pick up from page 51, recalling his interest in international affairs. House provides a general statement about his memories on page 59 and returns to recollections of McDonald on pages 60-61. Two additional pages of general memories ending with a statement about Franklin D. Roosevelt conclude House's "Memories."

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